By Kenneth Tiven
Donald Trump remains president of the United States for another 24 months, but his political movement has suffered a devastating defeat. The mid-term elections have transferred control of both houses of Congress to the Democrats, producing an unexpected result with potentially far-reaching consequences for American domestic and foreign policy.
The implications are still unfolding. Democrats are preparing to use their new congressional majorities to restore financial accountability, investigate executive misconduct and re-establish Congress as a co-equal branch of constitutional government.
In an age when political experts tend to watch only the information providers with whom they agree, it is easy to miss changing voter preferences and demographic patterns. This time, however, the shift was difficult to overlook. Anger that had been building for months became visible across the country as younger voters, ethnic minorities and women turned out in extraordinary numbers for Democratic candidates.
In cities and rural communities, in the North and South, East and West, revulsion with Trump’s policies and personality appeared to drive the voting.
Many candidates appealed to voters’ better instincts. They offered something beyond party labels: decency, humanity, inclusion and a sense of political possibility. Jon Ossoff, Keisha Lance Bottoms, James Talarico, Gina Hinojosa, Abdul El-Sayed and Mississippi’s David Crowley were among the candidates who gave voters people they actually wanted to support. There were many others.
Affordability—increased cost for diesel fuel vital for transport and farming equipment—is a global problem obvious to Americans used to cheap fuel and often to 100-mile work commutes. The agricultural voters in particular turned against Trump turning several states blue, the surprise being Texas, the second largest state going “bright blue” at all levels of state government after 30 years as a red state.
The issues differed from one community to another, but the underlying economic grievance was remarkably consistent: the rising cost of living.
Rural farmers watched diesel prices for tractors and trucks rise like a Musk rocket while Trump celebrated the profitability of the oil industry. Lower-income urban residents struggled with medical costs as federal programme support declined.
The imbalance was increasingly difficult to defend. The economic seesaw appeared to benefit those who least needed assistance.
The proliferation of data centres became another source of resentment. They consume enormous quantities of farmland, water and electricity while creating relatively few permanent jobs. For families struggling to pay their monthly mobile phone bills, the diversion of scarce resources to these enormous installations seemed absurd.
In states such as South Carolina and Mississippi, affordability was rearranging political geography. People were increasingly angry about what things cost and who was benefiting.
Cruelty and corruption also appeared to infect much of what voters associated with the Trump administration. Several winning Democrats made humanity and decency central campaign issues. Their underlying message was simple: this is not the America we want.
In Ohio, an attack advertisement against Democrat Amy Acton by Republican Vivek Ramaswamy appears to have cost him voters he needed to become governor. Acton won, becoming the state’s first woman governor.
Immigration remains a complicated issue because of global conditions and the pressures that bring people to the United States. But voters did not want to see American citizens killed or injured in the streets by masked, heavily armed federal agents operating with apparent immunity.
The administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement had become a political liability. Images of arrests, violence and the separation of families were increasingly difficult for ordinary Americans to reconcile with their understanding of constitutional rights and due process.
Public education was another important battleground. Republicans had been waging a sustained campaign against public education, arguing for greater privatisation. But schools and colleges are often among the largest employers in medium-sized towns. When they close, employment disappears, followed by the skills, services and economic activity upon which entire communities depend.
The administration’s opposition to federal assistance for education also threatened to widen existing inequalities among state and locally administered systems.
Taken together, these grievances help explain why Republicans performed so poorly. Democrats secured a substantial majority in the House and gained at least seven Senate seats, taking control of both chambers.
TEXAS DELIVERS A DOUBLE REBUKE
Perhaps the most striking political transformation occurred in Texas, a state that Republicans had regarded as reliably red for generations.
The election produced two historic Democratic victories. James Talarico defeated Republican Ken Paxton in the Senate contest, while Gina Hinojosa defeated Greg Abbott to become Texas’s first Latina governor.
Trump’s intervention in the Republican Senate contest, driven partly by his longstanding hostility towards Senator John Cornyn, helped destabilise the party’s political position. His preference for Paxton, whose record had been clouded by allegations of official misconduct, proved difficult for many voters to accept.
Talarico, a young legislator and seminarian, built a campaign around economic fairness, political accountability and the need to repair America’s fractured relationships. After his victory, he declared: “We went up against all the negative ad smear campaigns, but we never lost hope. We never lost faith, and against big money and odds we took our power back.”
He described a movement that brought together Texans from different backgrounds and beliefs. “This is much bigger than the Democratic Party or the Republican Party. There is something broken in America. Our economic system is broken. Our political system is broken. Even our relationships with each other are broken.” It was an unusually candid assessment of the country’s condition.
In Georgia Senator John Ossoff ’s speech election night spoke of what is ahead.
He was re-elected to his second term as a Georgia senator. He said: “In sweeping and decisive victories, the American people have rebuked the depravity corruption and incompetence of the failed lame President Donald Trump. Our task is not just to contain one president’s wickedness, but to heal the brokenness beneath—we must acknowledge that the underlying crisis, gripping our Republic remains, and that therefore our most vital work lies ahead because the wealthy feast on inside information and official favours. America’s forgotten families are treated to systemic, corporate, disrespect and official indifference, working harder and harder while the treadmill just gets faster and steeper, and the bills get higher and higher.”
Hinojosa’s victory reflected a different but related political transformation. Republicans had underestimated the psychological impact of immigration deportations on Hispanic Americans, particularly in Texas, where the Hispanic population is substantial.
Her emphasis on affordability, public services and opposition to controversial data-centre expansion resonated with voters.
The Texas results demonstrated that even deeply entrenched political loyalties can change when voters believe their economic security, dignity and rights are under threat.
MICHIGAN AND THE POLITICS OF INCLUSION
Michigan delivered another historic result with the election of Abdul El-Sayed to the United States Senate, making him the first Muslim to serve in that chamber.
Born and raised in Michigan, El-Sayed built a campaign that connected economic insecurity with questions of identity, religious tolerance and political inclusion.
He described a movement developed over a year and a half of campaigning across Michigan’s largest cities and smallest towns: “We spoke of a brighter, bigger, more hopeful nation,” he said, contrasting that message with what he described as one of the ugliest campaigns he had witnessed. “Pointing at my faith as the reason you can’t afford gas, can’t afford groceries.”
The remark captured an important feature of the election. Voters were increasingly unwilling to accept the politics of religious and ethnic division as an explanation for their economic difficulties.
Young voters, in particular, appeared to respond to candidates who spoke about common economic problems rather than competing identities.
The results also demonstrated the growing importance of a new generation of Democratic candidates who combine progressive economic language with religious and cultural tolerance.
A HUNDRED-YEAR POLITICAL FLOOD
Republicans who supported Trump are now asking how the political landscape changed so dramatically.
The president himself had urged Americans to “pretend I’m on the ballot” when they voted. They apparently did exactly that. This was not simply a Blue Wave election. It was closer to a political flood.
The conservative Free Press described the outcome as a “100-year flood”, expressing astonishment that only two years after Trump’s extraordinary political comeback, Republicans had lost control of both chambers of Congress.
But the warning signs had been present almost from the beginning of Trump’s return to the White House in January 2025. His decision to pardon those convicted in connection with the January 6 Capitol attack signalled that the second administration would not be a return to normal political conduct.
Questions about corruption and private deal-making followed. Resistance to releasing the Epstein files became another source of suspicion and public frustration. The administration’s handling of the matter, including the attorney general’s position, intensified demands for transparency.
The No Kings demonstrations provided a visible expression of opposition.
Meanwhile, the conduct of federal immigration agents in several cities produced disturbing images of force, intimidation and death. For many Americans, these scenes evoked the behaviour of authoritarian police forces rather than law enforcement in a constitutional democracy.
The comparison with the political imagery of 1930s Germany became increasingly difficult to ignore.
The administration’s aggressive posture abroad added to domestic unease. The Iran war, higher energy prices and the president’s extravagant territorial ambitions reinforced the perception of a government increasingly detached from ordinary American concerns.
The MAGA advertising machine could not offset the accumulating economic and political grievances.
THE RETURN OF CONGRESSIONAL OVERSIGHT
The Democratic victory will have immediate institutional consequences.
For two years, Congress had largely behaved as a rubber stamp for the executive branch. The new Democratic majorities are likely to reverse that relationship.
The Epstein scandal will return to the centre of congressional attention, with demands for serious hearings and disclosure.
Investigations into the conduct of the defence department and intelligence agencies are also likely. Democrats have little confidence in the administration’s management of these institutions.
The president’s pardons, controversial appointments, foreign policy manoeuvres and financial arrangements are all likely to attract scrutiny.
Questions surrounding the Qatari 747 aircraft gift, for example, could become the subject of investigations into possible conflicts of interest and quid pro quo arrangements.
Corporate contributions to Trump’s ambitious construction projects may also come under examination.
It is difficult to imagine a Democratic Congress enthusiastically funding a ceremonial arch or allowing a gold ballroom to rise on the remains of the East Wing through contributions from companies seeking presidential favours.
Nor is the prospect of renaming the Kennedy Center after Trump likely to survive congressional scrutiny.
The president may have lost the ability to turn his personal preferences into national expenditure.
The results have revived questions about the consequences of the Supreme Court’s 2010 Citizens United decision, which expanded the ability of corporations and outside organisations to spend independently in political campaigns.
The election has demonstrated that financial resources, however extraordinary, cannot guarantee political victory.
THE HISTORIC WINNERS
The mid-terms also produced an extraordinary collection of historic firsts. Among the notable victories are:
Xavier Becerra became California’s first elected Latino governor.
Gina Hinojosa became Texas’s first Latina governor and the first Democrat to win the office since 1990.
Deb Haaland, the former US Interior Secretary, became the first female Native American governor, winning in New Mexico.
Byron Donalds became Florida’s first Black governor, succeeding term-limited Ron DeSantis.
Chris Pappas became the first openly gay man elected to the US Senate from New Hampshire.
Peggy Flanagan, an Ojibwe member of the White Earth Nation, became the first Native American woman elected to the Senate from Minnesota.
David Crowley became Wisconsin’s first Black governor.
Amy Acton became Ohio’s first woman governor after defeating Vivek Ramaswamy.
These victories represent more than individual political milestones. Together, they reflect a changing electorate and a broader understanding of who can participate in, represent and lead American society.
THE NEXT TWO YEARS: A CONSTITUTIONAL TEST
The transition to a Democratic-controlled Congress will not necessarily be peaceful.
The administration has given little indication that it will surrender political influence without resistance. The Department of Justice, increasingly criticised for functioning as an instrument of presidential interests, could become involved in legal challenges to election results and other disputes.
Trump initially told The New York Times that he would accept the election results. But his history of challenging unfavourable outcomes leaves considerable uncertainty about what happens next.
There may be attempts to undermine the credibility of the results, challenge ballot counting and contest the authority of state election officials.
The country has already witnessed attempts to use federal power to influence election administration, including disputes involving the deployment of National Guard personnel, access to ballots and the integrity of voter lists.
The courts have an important role in preventing such interventions from undermining constitutional processes.
Federal district courts and appellate courts, along with the Supreme Court, have been required to consider the limits of executive authority and the protection of voting rights. Lawyers and constitutional advocates, including Norm Eisen and others, have played an important role in challenging executive overreach.
The next two years will test whether the judiciary can continue to function as an independent constitutional safeguard.
The results also place a heavy responsibility on Democrats. Their new congressional majorities must demonstrate that oversight is not merely an instrument of political retaliation, but a means of restoring accountable government.
How they manage the next two years will be critical to the 2028 presidential election.
Americans want a Congress that takes constitutional democracy and human rights seriously.
THE BILLIONAIRES DISCOVER THEIR LIMITS
One of the most revealing consequences of this election is the apparent futility of enormous political spending. Elon Musk reportedly spent close to a billion dollars in the 2026 elections. Yet, his financial intervention did not prevent Democratic victories in key states.
The influence of wealthy donors and corporate interests has become a central issue in the political debate.
A small group of extraordinarily wealthy individuals has discovered that money cannot necessarily buy public loyalty.
Trump’s relationship with business interests may also become a liability. Companies that contributed to his projects or benefited from executive decisions could be asked to explain their relationships with the administration.
A Democratic Congress is likely to use its investigative powers to examine those arrangements.
The president and his cabinet may face a difficult period. Resignations, investigations and increasingly contentious confirmation battles could make the appointment of new officials particularly difficult.
The Democratic Party remains a centre-left coalition, less accommodating of plutocratic interests than the Republican Party under Trump.
THE SWAMP WAS TRUMP
Trump’s party lost because voters increasingly recognised that the president remained the same businessman he had been throughout his life: someone who measured decisions and accomplishments in terms of personal financial gain.
Being president is a demanding, seven-day-a-week responsibility, although it may appear glamorous to the casual observer.
Trump’s 2024 promise to drain the swamp of corruption proved as empty as his promise to avoid foreign entanglements. The Iran war was a particularly damaging contradiction.
Many conservative and politically disengaged voters had overlooked his long history of bankruptcies, litigation and disputes with contractors. They were less willing to do so after two years of watching his administration.
“Trump is the swamp,” said one Republican in Florida, explaining that he had voted against every Republican on his ballot.
The immigration controversy, rising prices, healthcare costs and the proliferation of data centres all contributed to the growing sense that the administration had lost touch with ordinary Americans.
The creation of an increasingly aggressive immigration enforcement apparatus, with agents accused of disregarding due process and constitutional protections, became a particularly damaging symbol.
Millions of dollars were also directed towards purchasing warehouses for conversion into immigrant detention facilities.
The broader economic picture was equally troubling. The administration presided over a widening gap between those doing reasonably well and those struggling with rising costs and deteriorating conditions.
Business and academic institutions that had accommodated attacks on organisations defending equality and democratic values may now have to reconsider their decisions.
The post-war American commitment to international cooperation and global independence has been deliberately weakened. The American dream that earlier generations described appears increasingly uncertain.
But the election has demonstrated that a small group of extraordinarily wealthy individuals cannot own the American government simply because they can finance its political leadership.
Woodrow Wilson recognised this danger in 1913 when he warned: “If there are men in this country big enough to own the government of the United States, they are going to own it; what we have to determine now is whether we are big enough, whether we are men enough, whether we are free enough, to take possession again of the government which is our own.”
The 2026 mid-terms have given that question renewed relevance.
The implicit issue on the ballot was whether constitutional democracy could survive a government that increasingly treated the law as an instrument of executive privilege and political advantage.
Dishonesty had become a weapon against those defending constitutional order and equal justice. The danger was a society in which some Americans were treated as more equal than others.
The voters have now delivered their answer.
For the first time since January 2025, those who felt powerless under the administration can ask a question that had become increasingly difficult to voice: Who is going to be held accountable?
—The writer has worked in senior positions at The Washington Post,
NBC, ABC and CNN and also consults for several Indian channels
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